Friday, December 2, 2011

What did Jean-Paul Sartre believe in Politically?

Did he believe in Communism?Was he left-wing or right-wing?Who would he vote for in the US pres. Election.Why?|||Sartre was not politically involved in the 1930s though his heart, as he said, "was on the left, like everyone's." The War years, occupation and resistance made the difference. He emerged committed to social reform and convinced that the writer had the obligation to address the social issues of the day. He founded the influential journal of opinion, Les Temps modernes, with his partner Simone de Beauvoir, as well as Merleau-Ponty, Raymond Aron and others. In the "Pr茅sentation" to the initial issue (October, 1945), he elaborated his idea of committed literature and insisted that failure to address political issues amounted to supporting the status quo. After a brief unsuccessful attempt to help organize a nonCommunist leftist political organization, he began his long love-hate relationship with the French Communist Party, which he never joined but which for years he considered the legitimate voice of the working class in France. This continued till the Soviet invasions of Hungary in 1956. Still, he continued to sympathize with the movement, if not the Party, for some time afterwards. He summarized his disillusionment in an essay "The Communists are afraid of Revolution," following the "events of May," 1968. By then he had moved toward the radical Left and what the French labeled "les Maos," whom he likewise never joined but whose mixture of the ethical and the political attracted him.





Politically, Sartre tended toward what the French call "libertarian socialism," which is a kind of anarchism. Ever distrustful of authority, which he considered "the Other in us," his ideal was a society of voluntary eye-level relations that he called "the city of ends." One caught a glimpse of this in his description of the forming group (le groupe en fusion) in the Critique. There each was "the same" as the others in terms of practical concern. Each suspended his or her personal interests for the sake of the common goal. No doubt these practices hardened into institutions and freedom was compromised once more in bureaucratic machinery. But that brief taste of genuine positive reciprocity was revelatory of what an authentic social existence could be.





Sartre came to recognize how the economic conditions the political in the sense that material scarcity, as both Ricardo an Marx insisted, determines our social relations. In Sartre's reading, scarcity emerges as the source of structural and personal violence in human history as we know it. It follows that liberation from such violence will come only through the counter violence of revolution and the advent of a "socialism of abundance."





What Sartre termed the "progressive/regressive method" for historical investigation is a hybrid of historical materialism and existentialist psychoanalysis. It respects the often decisive role of economic considerations in historical explanation (historical materialism) while insisting that "the men that History makes are not the men that make history"; in other words, he resists complete economic determinism by implicit appeal to his humanist motto: "You can always make something out of鈥?quot;





I'm guessing he'd vote Mike Gravel|||Sartre was a socialist. He was left-wing.





He would likely not vote at all.

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